Saturday, December 31, 2011

Wednesday, December 28, 2011

Fortunate Ones - 99

Tuesday, December 27, 2011

Monday, December 26, 2011

The Perfect Lunchtime Read - Legal vs. Illegal

Hi Friends on Facebook and Friends in Life,
Have you ever caught yourself doing something a little out of the ordinary and had to ask yourself or a close friend whether or not you were breaking the law?  In a state of confusion you pause what you’re doing and quickly try to think if you’ve ever heard that it was illegal or saw it on an episode of Matlock.
These days it’s very difficult to know when you’re doing something illegal or legal, unless it’s visibly wrong or deemed offensive by society.  There are way too many rules for anyone to memorize all of them.  In Canada there are over 980 pages of laws in Canada’s Criminal Code that the government can use against you at any time.  In the states it’s nearly impossible to count how many laws there are because there is different levels of government in each state: city laws, county laws, state laws and federal laws. When trying to determine the number of laws in America it’s usually best to focus on the number of federal crimes, which is documented by the US Justice Department. Although you may not want to hold your breath, the numbers of laws seems to grow on a minute-by-minute basis.  Let’s just put it this way, since the start of 2000, Congress has created approximately 452 new crimes.  Federal crimes as of the end of 2007 exceed 4,450!  As high as that number seems it’s nothing in comparison to number of rules that exist in the world which is probably somewhere in the high sextillions.
What I find extremely fascinating is not what’s illegal but what’s ACTUALLY LEGAL!  Here’s a list of some things that you won’t believe are actually legal, for now!  
  1. Flamethrowers!  That’s right! Go-ahead, launch rivers of fire!
  2.  Salvia – a hallucinogenic – the stuff Miley Cyrus was filmed inhaling through a bong.
  3. Tannerite – a powder that creates explosions
  4. Homemade weaponry
  5. A Tank – Yes a real tank!  Apparently you could purchase one in Texas for under a grand.
  6.  An exotic animal, were talking lions, tigers, piranhas and bears.  NOT kitties and puppies.
  7. Books that teach you how to blow things up
  8. DXM found in cough syrup.
  9. In Pakistan for a Man to swap his sister for a wife
  10. In Nevada to hang anyone who shoots your dog on your property
  11.  In Utah to marry your cousin, but only if your over 50
  12. In Arizona for a man to beat his wife, but only once a month
  13. In parts of India for a women to marry a goat
  14. In Liverpool for a saleswomen to go topless, but only in stores selling tropical fish
  15.  In Hong Kong for a wife to kill an adulterous husband, but only if its with her bare hands
  16. In Paraguay to fight a duel as long as both parties are blood donors
  17. In England to shoot a Welshman as long as its with a bow and arrow
  18. In Seattle for a woman to sit on a mans lap on the bus but only if there flesh is separated by a pillow
  19. In Pennsylvania to us the same vehicle to deliver food and dead bodies
  20. Last but certainly not least…last summer, the state of Nebraska made it legal to abandon children.
Wow, that’ll teach us not to do everything that’s legal.  
Info via. Wiki & Cracked

Inside The Chosen Few: A Conversation With Elliot Gold

Interview By Max Gibson
Photography By Elliot Gold
They called him “Cameraman.” Welcomed into The Chosen Few outlaw motorcycle club in 1971, California born photographer, Elliot Gold, followed the biker club as a friend and observer.
Founded by Lionel Ricks, the group originated in Los Angeles and spread across the United States throughout the 70’s. As the first racially integrated outlaw motorcycle club, their legacy was rooted in their ability to exist and grow despite the prevailing prejudices of the day. United under the common bond of brotherhood, The Chosen Few deconstructed social barriers and created a culture of their own.
Accompanying the gang for two years, Gold photographed candid moments amongst the biker club. Following them on runs, outings and other social events, he captured an array of iconic images that revealed the lifestyle and character of The Chosen Few Motorcycle Club.
How did you initially get involved with The Chosen Few?
I got introduced to The Chosen Few through the police. I was involved with the Alta Dena Sheriff’s Department through an outreach program and the police held these community meetings and one in particular I attended. There was something like twelve sheriff deputies sitting in the front row, and there were fewer than twelve of us in the audience.
We were sitting there, and in the distance we could hear this sound, which sounded like a roar. The louder it got, the more it sounded like motorcycles. [The sound] got to the point where the room began to shake.
We turned around to see what the noise was and into the room rode the Pasadena Chapter of The Chosen Few. They had ridden their motorcycles into the school auditorium.
So I said to my friend Lieutenant Elmore, “Hey these guys are cool. Could you introduce me?” He took me to the clubhouse. A policeman, a Sheriff Lieutenant took me to meet The Chosen Few (smiles).
I began to bond with the Pasadena Chapter and I made a deal with them that I would take their photographs and start working on a book.
Were there any stipulations that preceded your involvement with the group?
Yes, I made a deal with them. I said, there are three conditions:
One, you have to give me access to anybody and anywhere I want to go. Two, if you ever put my life in danger, or threaten me, I’m gone, it’s over. Three, if I ever witness something that’s illegal, I’m going to go to the police with it. They agreed.
How was The Chosen Few formed?
The Chosen Few was formed in approximately 1961 by a guy by the name of Lionel, who was the father of the group. He did it in South Central Los Angeles and brought five or six of his buds together. They used to be in school together and then they began to ride bikes. They were very grubby, and they were all black.
Believe it or not, they decided to call themselves The Chosen Few, based on a line from the Bible, “For many are called, but few are chosen.”
Why do you think the club became racially integrated?
The Chosen Few felt that biker clubs were set up for brotherhood, and for the love of biking. The brothers who showed up without pigment just had a love for biking. They shared what the Chosen Few were all about. It had nothing to do with pigment. It preceded racism.
How were The Chosen Few perceived by society?
As The Chosen Few ride down the street, they are perceived as these outlaw motherfuckers. But are they really? Well it turns out that there have been murders committed by members of The Chosen Few, some of them, not far from the clubhouse. There have also been unbelievable drug deals, thefts, and rapes.
At the same time, there are architects, doctors, and engineers in The Chosen Few who would do anything that has to do with the theme of group, and that is to “give none, and take none.” It’s a patch they wear. It means that they don’t go out of their way to give anyone any trouble (give none), but they won’t take anything either.
There’s also a family aspect of The Chosen Few that is not understood by people who don’t know outlaw bikers. I have unlimited stories of [bikers] not only bringing their own kids to outings, but finding kids who needed something, who didn’t have families, and teaching them basketball, or taking them to Mexico or Disneyland.
There was a brother by the name of Apache that took them all over. He raised money for families who didn’t have money, or who were about to lose their houses. He did the most magnificent things with these kids. I have pictures of him coaching these kids at basketball games; his hair is all wrapped out, with his Chosen Few colors on.
And he’s coaching kids…
Yeah, he’s unbelievable. When he first got these kids together, he was literally breaking into sporting goods stores to get baseball bats and stuff because they didn’t have money.
Earlier you spoke about brotherhood being central to the identity of The Chosen Few. How did The Chosen Few define brotherhood?
The Chosen Few defined brotherhood similar to the way college fraternities define it. If you go through a prospect and make it through that, mainly a period where you have to lug things around and clean things up, you are considered a brother, and you are expected to be like a blood brother, and answer any call from any of the other members.
How did they deal with inner conflicts?
Let me tell you a story. I was interviewing one of the brothers, and we were talking about The Chosen Few, when he said, “Cameraman, let me explain something to you…”
Two members of The Chosen Few are sitting in a bar. And one will say something to the other that gets the other one angry. With his right hand, [the angry one] will grab the guy by the shirt, and with his left hand, he will punch him. And as the guy goes down, he will continue to hold on to him as he hits the floor… Then he will pick him up, put him in his bar stool, and order him a drink.
I said, “You’ve gotta be joking!”
With that act of hitting him he gets it all out of his system. He doesn’t hate him, he’s not angry with him anymore, he got back at him, and now they’re brothers again. Bikers get it out of their system instantly.

Did The Chosen Few have any enemies?
No, they’ve actually been very lucky. Some of the other chapters like the Vagos and the Monguls, are now being outlawed by the federal government, and are not only taking their patches but making it illegal to ride with a patch. They went out of their way to have not just rivalries but enemies, and it got pretty bloody.
Did you ever feel intimidated by the group?
I had one guy threaten me with his car when he was drunk. The only other person in the club that scared me was an architect. He was the only one who really scared me. I didn’t want to be around him. And I think he was just trying to gain some clout.
But the real thugs, the ones who had been suspected of murders and rapes, and were doing drug deals… I had no problems with them ever.
Why was it that the architect intimidated you but the known criminals didn’t?
Because the known criminals knew they were criminals and they had nothing to prove because they were already considered outlaws. The business people, who were there sometimes as weekend bikers, wanted to prove that they were outlaws, so they had to do things that in my mind were pretty stupid. I learned that I could trust the thugs more than I could the business people.
Is there anything you would’ve changed looking back on your experience with The Chosen Few?
(Pauses) No, there are probably a couple of brothers who I wished I interviewed when they were still agile. As a journalist and a photographer, there are things you look back on and think, “Gosh, why didn’t I do that?” But you know, you do 99 things, could you really do 110?
Generally speaking, I don’t regret anything I’ve ever done. I do things knowing full well that they can work out or they can’t work out; that I can get injured or not, or I could go broke in the process, but when I walk away from it if it’s been a disaster or a failure I don’t have any regrets. So I can’t think of anything I’ve regretted with The Chosen Few.
Why does The Chosen Few matter to society today?
The Chosen Few didn’t fit in fifty years ago when they formed. They were outlaws to the rest of society. And yet they did what society was not yet ready to do. And that was to put brotherhood ahead of race, ahead of economics, ahead of job title. And today, we live in a society where most people have accepted this, that they see each person that comes to them, regardless of their age, their wealth, or lack of wealth, or their pigment, as their equal.
The Chosen Few, which was an outlaw motorcycle gang I’ll say, was the most unlikely group to do what society needed to do, but they did it and proved it could work.

Big Sean - Keep It Gee (Feat. 2 Chainz) [CDQ / Final] + Lyrics

Sunday, December 25, 2011

Friday, December 23, 2011

Frog Eyes - Paul's Tomb

Gnarls Barkley - Crazy

Hate - Cat Power

Smog - You moved in

Tuesday, December 20, 2011

Monday, December 19, 2011

Saturday, December 17, 2011

Wednesday, December 14, 2011

Casa del Mirto - The Haste

Casiokids - Det Haster!

IMF x Valeria Orsini from IMFmag on Vimeo.

David Lynch - I know

Tuesday, December 13, 2011

Friday, December 9, 2011

The Consortium

Return of Bolivia's Drug-Stained Dictator

By Jerry Meldon

A Latin American ghost from Washington's Cold War past is reappearing this summer. On Aug. 6, one of South America's most notorious drug-tainted military dictators, Hugo Banzer Suarez, will don Bolivia's presidential sash. That will make him responsible for battling cocaine traffickers in one of the world's top drug-producing nations.

The 71-year-old Banzer, a long-time U.S. favorite because of his anti-communism, forged the coalition that gave him the presidency after his Accion Democratica Nacionalista party won 22 percent of the vote in the June elections. Banzer's latest ascendancy set off alarms in Washington, despite the old Cold War ties.

A State Department spokesman warned of possible diplomatic strains if Banzer appointed Bolivian officials who "in other eras have been directly involved in narco-trafficking." In Latin America, however, the U.S. statement was viewed as an indirect reference to Banzer, who could not have survived politically in the violent world of Bolivian politics without the timely intervention of South America's drug lords.

In July 1980, for instance, while most Bolivians were enjoying a rare hiatus of non-military rule, Banzer was hiding out in exile in Argentina. Bolivia's civilian government was set to indict him for human rights violations and corruption during his 1971-78 dictatorship. But Banzer saw his political life saved when a grotesque band of old-time Nazis and younger neo-fascists -- financed with drug money and aided by the Argentine military -- overthrew the government in La Paz.

The coup was spearheaded by two men whom Banzer had introduced: Roberto Suarez, Bolivia's coca king, and Klaus Barbie, the Gestapo chief of Lyons whom Banzer had protected from French war crimes prosecutors. The victorious putsch -- known as the Cocaine Coup -- established Bolivia as a kind of narco-state. Saved by this mix of drug trafficking and anti-communism, Banzer returned home to resume his political career.

Still, Banzer's allegiance to the United States goes back even farther to the early days of the Cold War when Washington was worried about political developments in Banzer's land-locked South American country.

In 1952, anti-military grievances in Bolivia erupted into popular revolt. The revolutionaries, led by Bolivia's tin miners and the Movimento Nacionalista Revolucionario party, vanquished the old oligarchy. The new president, Victor Paz Estenssoro, nationalized the largest tin mines and distributed land to Indian peasants. Popular militias replaced the regular armed forces.

These developments did not sit well with the State Department. In Washington, official doctrine saw strong militaries as crucial bulwarks against communism. So, in the mid-1950s, while his compatriots were dismantling 125 years of authoritarian rule -- which followed centuries of Spanish colonial domination -- the young Hugo Banzer was under the tutelage of U.S. Army instructors at the School of the Americas (SOA).

(South of the border, the school was often called "School of the Coup Plotters" or "School of Assassins," names that gained more credibility last September when the Pentagon declassified school manuals which taught blackmail, kidnap, torture and murder of dissidents.)

But Banzer, known as El Petiso because of his diminutive stature, was a star pupil. After his SOA graduation, he received additional training at Fort Hood in Texas. His ties to the U.S. national security elite tightened even more when he was named military attache in Washington and won the Pentagon's Order of Military Merit.

Meanwhile, in Bolivia, the political terrain kept shifting. Military officers ousted the reformist civilian government in 1964 and then fought among themselves for power.

Into that turmoil stepped communist revolutionary Ernesto "Che" Guevara, who left Cuba with the dream of sparking a popular uprising in the mountains of Bolivia. However, aided by the CIA, specially trained Bolivian rangers hunted down Guevara's armed band in 1967. After capturing Guevara, with CIA personnel present, Bolivian officers ordered the revolutionary executed, his hands severed and his body buried secretly.

To stop other revolutionary movements across Latin America, the Pentagon encouraged collaboration among the nations' militaries. As Edward S. Herman noted in The Real Terror Network, U.S. Gen. Robert W. Porter stated in 1968 that "in order to facilitate the coordinated employment of internal security forces within and among Latin American countries, we are ... endeavoring to foster interservice and regional cooperation by assisting in the organization of integrated command and control centers; the establishment of common operating procedures; and the conduct of joint and combined training exercises."

Banzer's Rise

Two years later, however, Washington had more reasons to worry about Bolivia. Left-leaning Gen. Juan Jose Torres grabbed power and extended a friendly hand to Cuba's Fidel Castro. Torres also expanded commercial ties with the Soviet Union, nationalized US-owned tin mines and expelled the Peace Corps. In January 1971, Torres withstood a first coup attempt by Banzer, who then fled to Argentina.

There, Banzer plotted a comeback. According to a report in The Washington Post [Aug. 29, 1971], Banzer crossed back into Bolivia frequently during his exile to confer with U.S. Air Force Major Robert Lundin. That August, Banzer led a second coup attempt, which Lundin aided. When Banzer's communications broke down, Lundin made available the U.S. Air Force radio system and the coup-makers won.

Once in power, Banzer reversed policies that had angered Washington. He cut ties to Cuba and denationalized the tin industry. Banzer also launched a reign of terror, as 2,000 dissidents were arrested. The New York Times reported [Dec. 30, 1973] that "all fundamental laws protecting human rights were regularly violated" and that torture was "commonly used on prisoners [who were] beaten, raped and forced to undergo simulated executions."

But Banzer won a special note in the annals of counter-insurgency for devising a strategy for combatting so-called "liberation theology," a religious doctrine which promotes social justice for the poor. After the Bolivian Catholic Church denounced an army massacre of striking tin workers in 1975, Banzer began his move against leftist priests and nuns. According to Penny Lernoux's Cry of the People, some clergy were targeted, with the CIA providing "personal data, studies, friends, addresses, writings, contacts abroad, etc." Government agents slandered and harassed progressive clergy. Foreign priests and nuns were expelled.

The anti-clergy strategy became known as the Banzer Plan and was adopted by nine other Latin American dictatorships in 1977 at a meeting of the Latin American Anticommunist Confederation. Over the next two years, 30 progressive clergymen were slain across Latin America, with government forces and rightist death squads implicated in the majority of cases.

But the Banzer Plan was only one element in a program linking Latin America's military dictatorships in a transcontinental campaign to exterminate leftists. The underlying program of violence, according to Scott and Jon Lee Anderson's Inside the League, had four main points:

    "1) All dissidents and opponents of the state are communists; 2) all communists are taking orders from the same source in the pursuit of communist control of the world; 3) since their orders come from the same source, the opposition in one nation is the same as the opposition in another; 4) for the nations of Latin America to fight a united enemy, they too must unite. This implies that one nation has the right, in fact the duty, to silence not only the opposition to one's own regime but also the opposition to any neighboring regime."

Operation Condor

This united strategy led to Operation Condor, a plan for cross-border executions of dissidents. According to a classified 1979 Senate Foreign Committee report excerpted by Jack Anderson [WP, Aug. 2, 1979], it included "formation of special teams from member countries assigned to travel anywhere in the world to non-member countries to carry out 'sanctions' -- including assassination -- against Condor enemies."

One of those "enemies" was Gen. Juan Jose Torres, the Bolivian military reformer who resided in Buenos Aires following his ouster by Hugo Banzer. As Argentina's security forces were launching their "dirty war" against leftists in 1976, Banzer's military attache in Buenos Aires threatened Gen. Torres's life. A few months later, Torres was gunned down in the streets of the Argentine capital.

Though one of Banzer's principal rivals had been eliminated, Banzer still had enemies. Amid strikes and political chaos in July 1978, Bolivian Air Force Gen. Juan Pereda Asburn overthrew Banzer, in the name -- oddly enough -- of saving Bolivia from "international communism." El Petiso fled again to Argentina.

Two years later, the Bolivian government prepared to indict Banzer on charges of human rights violations and corruption. But Banzer's remarkable luck held out. His friends, coca king Roberto Suarez and Nazi war criminal Klaus Barbie, provided the money and muscle for the "Cocaine Coup."

Barbie, in particular, was already deep in Banzer's debt. After World War II, Barbie, known as the Butcher of Lyons for his work in Nazi-occupied France, was hired by the US Army's Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC) to run a spy network of ex-Nazi officers. But French intelligence agents -- seeking Barbie's arrest on charges of torture and murder -- picked up his scent. The CIC then contacted Dr. Krunoslav Draganovic, a rightist Croatian priest who ran a Vatican "ratline" which helped hundreds of Nazi SS officers escape from Europe. Draganovic arranged papers and transportation for Barbie to flee from Germany to Italy and then to Argentina and Bolivia.

When French Nazi hunters were closing in again a quarter century later, Banzer and other Bolivian officers stepped forward as Barbie's protectors. During his 1971-78 dictatorship, Banzer repeatedly rejected French requests for Barbie's extradition. Barbie returned the favor in 1980, recruiting a mercenary army of neo-fascist terrorists, including Italy's Stefano delle Chiaie.

Friends in Need

The 1980 coup put Generals Luis Garcia Meza and Luis Arce Gomez into the top offices. But Banzer's longtime allies -- Barbie and Suarez -- were the powers behind the throne. Suarez put Garcia Meza and Arce Gomez on his drug payroll. Meanwhile, Barbie kept his goon squad in place, terrorizing Suarez's rivals in the narcotics trade as well as the regime's political opponents.

But the generals proved incompetent leaders, soon bringing Bolivia to the brink of financial ruin. Garcia Meza and Arce Gomez were chased from office in August 1981 and found themselves in legal hot water. Garcia Meza today is a fugitive from a 30-year sentence in Bolivia for abuse of constitutional power, corruption, looting the national treasury and murder. Arce Gomez was extradited to Miami and now is serving a 30-year sentence for drug trafficking.

Banzer's other allies got nailed, too. Drug lord Roberto Suarez was arrested in 1988 and is serving a 15-year sentence for narcotics trafficking. Barbie was extradited to France in 1983 where he was sentenced to life for crimes against humanity. He died in 1992, at the age of 77, of leukemia.

Fortune was much kinder to Hugo Banzer. He returned to Bolivia following the Cocaine Coup to resume leadership of his party, Accion Democratica Nacionalista (ADN). He briefly found himself in trouble when Argentina's new democratic government accused him of delivering a woman to the Argentine military who then "disappeared" her. But Banzer avoided extradition. Instead, he remained in Bolivia and brokered ADN's normal one-fifth popular vote into participation in several coalition governments.

He also adopted a more nationalistic political posture, mildly defying his old mentors in Washington. Before the June election, he opposed Washington's demands for strict enforcement of "neo-liberal" economic strategies. In an interview with Argentina's La Nacion [June 4, 1997], Banzer complained that "privatization" of major national industries had caused poverty and unemployment. Though favoring modern capitalism, Banzer said he wanted to "humanize the neo-liberal model."

In his new-found populism, Banzer seems to be playing to the anti-American sentiments of Bolivia's 300,000 coca growers, an important political force in a poverty-stricken country of eight million. Many Bolivians -- not just drug traffickers -- were offended by heavy-handed American pressure to pass a draconian anti-drug law in 1989. The law mandated long jail terms for accused drug traffickers, even if the evidence was flimsy. Until a recent change, even acquitted defendants could be kept in prison pending government appeals.

As Bolivia's new leader, Banzer now will oversee the spending of $50 million in annual narcotics control money supplied by Washington. Most of that money is ticketed for Bolivia's anti-narcotics units long renowned for their brutality and readiness to take bribes.

Washington soon may learn again in Bolivia how much loyalty $50 million can buy -- and how deep a government official's pockets can be. ~

(c)Copyright 1997

Kleerup feat. Lykke Li - Until We Bleed

Röyksopp - The Drug (Official Video)

310 - Pacific Gravity

Thisis50 Speaks With One Of The Top Music Executives Of Our Time, 'Steve...

Steve Stoute Speaks on Why Dame Dash is Broke +Alicia Keys, Jay- Z + Mor...

Mike Posner "Wonderwall" MUSIC VIDEO

Thursday, December 8, 2011

Wednesday, December 7, 2011

Saturday, December 3, 2011

Oceania - Grow Wild

Friday, December 2, 2011

Delete - Promise me

Grimes - Vanessa (Official Video)

Framework - It's killing me

Burial- Stolen Dog (hq)

         Set in Middle America, a group of teens receive an online invitation for sex, though they soon encounter fundamentalists with a much more sinister agenda.

Thursday, December 1, 2011